U.S. PSYOP IN HAITI
(OPERATION UPHOLD DEMOCRACY)

Herbert A. Friedman

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I have entitiled this article “Operation Uphold Democracy,” but the Haiti campaign has also been called “Operation Restore Democracy,” and even “Operation Maintain Democracy.” The confusion seems to be from the fact that there were two distinct plans of action about the intervention into Haiti, both peaceful and by force. There were also two different taskforces formed, one from the 10th  Mountain Division and one from the 18th  Airborne Corps. There have been reports of other unnamed causes for the duplication in names. Regardless of the name, the story is the same, the U.S. Intervention in Haiti in 1994.

In December 1990, the people of Haiti elected former priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide as President with 67% of the vote. He took office in February 1991, but the military overthrew him in September of the same year. Joseph Nerette, who held power with the help of the armed forces, replaced him. In June 1992, Marc Bazin, who ruled as Prime Minister, not as president, replaced Nerette. In June 1993, Bazin resigned and the United Nations imposed an oil and arms embargo aimed at forcing the Haitian military to the negotiating table.  

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President Jean-Bertrand Aristide

General Raoul Cedras

General Raoul Cedras, head of the Haitian armed forces, signed an agreement on 3 July 1993, which approved the return of President Aristide by 30 October 1993. On 8 October, the USS Harlan County carrying peacekeepers to help with the transition of power attempted to dock in Port-au Prince. An armed mob turned the ship away. President Clinton, infuriated, authorized Joint Task Force 180 under the 18th Airborne Corps to develop plans to intervene in Haiti. The political and human rights climate deteriorated as the military sanctioned repression, assassination, torture, and rape to terrorize and control the Haitian people. In May 1994, the military appointed Emile Jonassaint the provisional president. The United Nations and the United States countered this illegal action by introducing United Nations Resolution 917. On 29 July 1994, the 10th  Mountain Division was authorized to form Joint Task Force 190. On 31 July 1994, the UN adopted Resolution 940 authorizing member states to use force to free Haiti of military dictatorship and return Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power.

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By summer of 1994, the sight of rickety wooden boats packed with starving Haitians trying to make landfall on the beaches of Florida was a daily sight on the evening news. Thousands were intercepted on the high seas by U.S. Navy and Coast Guard ships and taken to Guantanamo Naval Base in Cuba. The economy of Haiti was nonexistent, and the people had no choice but to flee in hope of a better life. The United States took the lead in forming a multinational force (MNF) to carry out the United Nation's mandate by means of a military intervention. The goal was to stop the illegal immigration, protect the people of Haiti, and stabilize that island with a legitimate constitutional government.

The military campaign was named Operation Uphold Democracy. Plans were made for either a military invasion or a peaceful entry into Haiti. Operations Plan (OPLAN) 2370 was the military offensive with a massive invasion from air and sea with overwhelming force. OPLAN 2380 was developed for a peaceful permissive entry into Haiti. The operation's deployment phase began on 18 September 1994 when the president, through the secretary of defense, issued the order to execute OPLAN 2370.

This operation is discussed in an interesting 1999 British Joint Services Command and Staff College Defense Research Paper by Chef de Bataillon, M. E. Limon. He says in part:

The US government planned a military operation to force General Cedras to resign and to restore President Aristide.The PSYOPS support for this operation was divided in 2 phases; PSYOPS support prior to the invasion and PSYOPS support during the operation.

PSYOPS staffs provided intelligence on regional, social and religious preferences of Haiti. A Military Information Support Team (MIST) was set up in June 94.   Its aims were to assist President Aristide to broadcast towards his country and to fight the Junta’s propaganda. All the products delivered by the MIST had to be approved by President Aristide and the CINCUSACOM (Commander in Chief, U.S. Atlantic Command). A series of 900 hours of broadcast were transmitted by the commando SOLO aircraft before any troops had landed on the island.   These messages were carefully combined with popular programs of Haitian music and local news.  To increase the impact of this campaign, 10,000 radio sets were sent to Haiti.   There is no doubt that this operation influenced the final negotiations between General Cedras and Former President Jimmy Carter, which led to the resignation of the Junta on the 16 September 1994.Thus the landing of US troops took place in a relatively peaceful environment. 

Almost 4000 American paratroopers were on their way to invade Haiti on 19 September 1994 when the Haitian military lost its nerve and agreed to a peaceful transition of government. As a result, American troops entered the country peacefully and without bloodshed. The United States military and the multi-national force eventually numbered over 23,000 troops from over a dozen nations. General Cedras and his military staff left Haiti and President Aristide returned on 15 October 1994. The multinational force recovered nearly 33,000 weapons through buybacks, discovering caches, and roadblocks. The flood of refugees from Haiti, 3,000 per day in July 1994, virtually stopped. The United States repatriated more than 13,000 Haitians home.

Douglas Waller mentions the military-PSYOP connection in an article entitled "How a Spec Ops Campaign Saved Lives," Armed Forces Journal International, June 1995. Some of his comments are, "One reason the casualties were so low: the White House, the Pentagon and the CIA waged what one Department of Defense memo termed an "unprecedented psychological operations campaign."

Humiliated in Somalia, the Clinton administration was desperate for the generals to leave Haiti without bloodshed. The White House formed a PSYOP Working Group to decide on themes each week for radio and leaflet messages. A Ft. Bragg team set up a makeshift studio near the Pentagon, which Aristide used to tape speeches for daily broadcasts.

Fearing Aristide might slip in incendiary allusions to torturing opponents as he had in the past speeches, the PSYOP Working Group had Haitian linguists screen each speech. But Aristide, who was being gently coached by US officials ahead of time, never had to be edited. ‘I have come to ring the bell of reconciliation,’ he pledged—exactly the theme the psy-warriors wanted conveyed to assure Haitians he would not seek political revenge when he returned."

It is interesting to note that the author makes an allusion to "incendiary" but does not elaborate. Aristide’s followers were known to dress political enemies in a "Pere Lebrun," a rubber tire placed around the neck and set on fire. The New American, Vol. 13, No. 3, 1997 describes Aristide thusly: " Has been on video extolling the hideous practice of "necklacing" -- the placing of a gasoline-soaked burning tire around the neck of a victim -- as "attractive, splendorous, graceful, and dazzling."

He allegedly said in a televised speech of 27 September 1992, "A faker who pretends to be one of our supporters, just grab him; make sure he gets what he deserves…the burning tire. What a beautiful tool! What a beautiful instrument! It’s fashionable. It smells good. Wherever you go, you want to smell it."

Operation Uphold Democracy restored the democratically elected government of Haiti and for the most part, halted the illegal emigration. On 31 March 1995, the United States handed over the peacekeeping responsibilities to United Nations. A year later, in September 1995, the force had dropped to 2,500 American soldiers out of a total of 6,000 UN peacekeeping troops, and 800 UN civilian police, drawn from thirty-one countries. 

The major American forces involved in the peaceful occupation were from the 18th Airborne Corps and the 10th Mountain Division. The PSYOP units were part of a Joint Psychological Operations Task Force. They included parts of the 4th PSYOP Group, 2nd United States Army Reserve PSYOP Group, 1st PSYOP Battalion, and the 9th PSYOP Battalion. 

Dr. Robert Baumann and Dr. John Fishel discussed the PSYOP used during the campaign in depth in an article entitled “Operation Uphold Democracy.” Some selected comments are:

Closely related to the civil affairs effort was the PSYOP campaign conducted by U.S. forces in and around Haiti. Given the delicacy of native perceptions about the role of U.S. forces and Multinational Forces in Haiti, the American-directed information campaign was essential to preserving a psychological climate conducive to fulfillment of the military mission, the restoration of Aristide, and the eventual conduct of national elections.  

Execution of the PSYOP campaign began in advance of ground operations in September. On August 22-23, for example, the Air Force conducted a leaflet drop at St. More. A typical leaflet displayed the words "democracy," "prosperity," "opportunity," "education," and "law," overlaying a drawing of three persons moving into the sunlight. From September 13-17, roughly 7 million leaflets were released over Port-au-Prince, Cap Haitien, and Les Cayes.  

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193rd SOW

A major part of American efforts was the use of EC-130E Commando Solo aircraft for radio broadcast operations by the 4th Psychological Operations Group working through the Air Force 193d Special Operations Group (of the Pennsylvania Air National Guard). To facilitate the effectiveness of the broadcast campaign, the Air Force dropped roughly 10,000 radios across parts of Haiti. Broadcast messages, transmitted on three FM bands, sought to discourage the flotillas of boat people by announcing that entry to the United States would henceforth be possible only through the INS office in Port-au-Prince. A dramatic drop in boat interceptions after July 7, 1994, suggests that the campaign had the intended effect. Later messages aimed at preventing local vigilantes from taking retribution against supporters of the Cedras regime. 

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TPT with Loudspeakers

From the beginning of operations in the country, both Joint Task Force (JTF) 180 and JTF 190 incorporated tactical PSYOP teams (TPTs) with loudspeakers. Each team normally consisted of four persons, although some split into two-person teams in support of remote Special Forces operations. Those TPTs that would have supported a forced entry were armed with taped messages in Creole demanding immediate surrender.”

Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Arata adds in an article entitled “Psychological Operations in Haiti,” Small Wars Journal, April 2005:

When the United States military arrived in Haiti to begin operations, several internal Haitian threats faced us. These included the population, the environment, the Haitian Army (Forces Armée d'Haïti or FAD’H), and the Revolutionary Front for Hatian Advancement and Progress (FRAPH).  The threat from the Haitian population included the common criminal element, large crowds and the threat of riots, and Haitian on Haitian violence.  This included retaliation and retribution by the Haitian people towards former FAD'H members.

Haiti offered a challenging environment for PSYOP employment. Literacy is low, and Haitian society relies on word-of-mouth communication. Official news broadcasts and publications are viewed with suspicion. Rumors are the preferred source of information, and credibility is judged by how well the listener knows the person repeating the rumor. Anyone in a uniform is to be mistrusted and even feared.  

The 4th PSYOP Group booklet PSYOP Support to Operation UPHOLD DEMOCRACY adds:

Tactical PSYOP Teams would eventually conduct over 760 ground PSYOP missions covering an area from the northern tip of Haiti near Port-de-Paix to the southwestern city of Jeremie. Aerial loudspeaker teams flew 67 missions in support of ground operations, facilitating PSYOP dissemination in the rugged and mountainous regions bordering the Gulf of Gonave and in other denied areas.

They were often effective. When an Angry mob of some 2,000 Haitians surrounded a military headquarters in Gonavies seeking revenge, a mobile loudspeaker team played a Garth Brooks country music tape and lured the curious crowd out of the town.

LTC Arata discusses loudspeaker use:

Next, PSYOP teams would use their loudspeakers and linguists to communicate the consequences of certain actions.  Finally, they would give directions for subsequent actions or movement. Tactical PSYOP teams also helped with the seeking out and capture of several known members of the FRAPH who were wanted by the joint task force headquarters for questioning.  In early October, one task force planned a series of raids on suspected locations of members of an activist political organization and other hostile individuals known as attaches.  The tactical commander decided to use a graduated response tactic that began with TPTs broadcasting surrender messages, followed by a countdown sequence.  Approximately 80% of the individuals at each objective surrendered and the rest offered no resistance when the assault team entered the building.  Not a shot was fired during the entire operation.  Again, a well planned and well executed PSYOP campaign, in direct support of the tactical commander’s mission and intent, was invaluable to the successful and safe accomplishment of the mission.

One of the major PSYOP problems in Haiti was the lack of linguists who spoke Creole. The military did a quick search and found thirty-three linguists throughout the armed forces, many born in Haiti. PSYOP soldiers who had served in Haiti in the past were also tapped to serve during the intervention.

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Army Reserve magazine of spring 1995 mentioned the Haiti operation. It featured several photographs of reservists handing out 5 1/2" x 8 1/2" leaflets with pictures of Aristide that encourage national reconciliation. Some of the article text is:

Using language capability, cultural sensitivity and information technology, the PSYOP soldiers create a combat multiplier effect giving the U.S. forces an edge in many kinds of conflict situations. Over 80% of U.S. PSYOP forces are Army Reservists, and in October, U.S. Army Civil Affairs and Psychological Operations Command (USACAPOC) established the 2nd PSYOP Group, a composite unit made up of Army Reserve PSYOP soldiers from across the nation. In Haiti, PSYOP was tasked with supporting the 8,600 combat troops of the 10th Mountain Division as they oversaw the peaceful change over of the Haitian government.

On the subject of the 2nd Group, The winter 1996 issue of Perspectives, the Journal of the Psychological Operations Association is dedicated to the Haiti intervention. The 2nd  Group deployed 67 reservists to Haiti, assigned from Cap Hatien in the north to Jeremy Jagmel in the south. They put 18 loudspeaker teams in the field. 

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There are only two leaflets that are known to have been dropped before the American intervention into Haiti. The first depicts a formal black and white portrait of President Aristide with a Haitian flag in the background. The back of this leaflet has five lines of blue text in Creole:

THE SUN OF DEMOCRACY. THE LIGHT OF JUSTICE. THE WARMTH OF RECONCILIATION WITH THE RETURN OF PRESIDENT ARISTIDE.

The New York Times of September 15, 1994 featured a Reuters photograph of hundreds of the above leaflets showing deposed President Aristide on the streets of an unidentified Haitian city. The caption is, "A U.S. plane dropped leaflets in Haiti supporting the exiled President." The British Broadcasting Company announced on 14 September that two million leaflets were dropped over Port-au-Prince and two other cities asking the population to support the US invasion and demanding the return of Haiti's ousted President Jean-Bertand Aristide. One published report states that seven million leaflets were dropped on Port-au-Prince, Les Cayes and Cap Hatien from 13-17 September. Another says that three million leaflets were dropped on the night of 14 September. A third report states that the Aristide leaflets were dropped over Port-au-Prince and La Plaine during the early morning hours of 10 September. There seems to be much confusion about where and how many leaflets were dropped, but it is clear that before the Americans hit the beaches, the people of Haiti had been psychologically prepared for the intervention.

The Associated Press reported:

Pro-army militiamen beat up some people trying to pick up the American leaflets, which announce the return of Haiti's elected president. Capital Police Chief Michel Francois was heard on the police band ordering soldiers to shoot at the aircraft as they flew over at 2:45 a.m… Mindful of uniformed and plainclothes soldiers and auxiliaries, nervous people intentionally ignored fliers dropped downtown within blocks of the National Palace, seat of the government installed by the army in May, and Haitian army headquarters. Soldiers picked up the fliers that fell on Bel Air before the people could even read them. ‘When the plane flew over, the soldiers at the post cordoned off our area and fired their automatic weapons into the air’.

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The second leaflet depicts a radio at the far right with the frequency of the American-sponsored government station, a map of Haiti and the flags of the United States and Haiti at the left. The text is, "Help us to help you. Listen to Radio 1080 AM 24 hours a day." The back is all text,

The American Army has arrived to re-establish democracy. For your own and your family's safety, follow the advice below: Remain calm. Stay indoors. Keep away from windows. Do not form in groups on the street. Leave the American Army alone to work. Do not block traffic. Listen to the radio on 1080 for information. For more information tune your radio to 1080 AM."

This leaflet was dropped along with portable radios on 15 September 1994.

A Haitian who was on the ground during the drop makes an interesting observation. Admittedly he is Pro-Army and anti-Aristide but he says:

I had an opportunity to view the American PSYOP projects from inside of Haiti. The C-130s were a waste of fuel since their broadcasts were much milder than ones already being broadcast on the local Haitian radio stations. Contrary to the propaganda, there was no censorship of Haitian media. They said some awful things about General Cedras. Radio Tropic, one of the most vocal, was just around the corner from Grand Quartier General, the military headquarters. The Americans were broadcasting to Haitians who knew the truth. There was no systematic violence or rape. The military was blamed for many things through very effective propaganda controlled by Aristide.

I can remember the night when low flying 130s dumped radios all over the place. Many of these were turned in to the police, while Haitians claimed to have converted others so they could listen to Radio Superstar.  Loads of leaflets could be seen cluttering the streets. I saved a few.

The Rand Corporation makes an interesting comment on what seems to be this radio leaflet in their Organization Publication MR 1287, Intelligence Preparation of the Battlefield for Urban Operations.

One proposed PSYOP campaign developed for Operation Restore Democracy in Haiti might prove illustrative of why perception assessment is necessary. Prior to deployment, leaflets were published informing the Haitian populace of U.S. intentions. The original leaflet was published in Dutch, the language of the Haitian elite. The one actually used for the PSYOP campaign was published in Creole, the official language of Haiti, because an astute PSYOP team member realized the need to publish to the wider audience. If the Dutch flier had been dropped on Port-au-Prince, it could have undermined the American mission to the country in several ways. The majority of the population would have been unable to read the flier. The subsequent deployment of U.S. forces into the country therefore, could have been perceived to be hostile. The mission itself, which was intended in part to restore equity within the nation’s social structure, could have backfired if the Haitians viewed the Dutch flier as an indication of U.S. favoritism to the Haitian elite.

The New York Times said on 16 September that:

Paramilitary forces seized many of the thousands of radios that were dropped from an American plane that flew over the capital after President Clinton's speech. Because the security forces have beaten those who stopped to pick up pro-Aristide leaflet scattered in earlier airplane forays, many people today simply ignored the latest flyer, dropped last night which proclaims that "The road to a prosperous future begins with democracy."

Three small leaflets circulated about the time of the American entry. They are not the standard 6 x 3-inch leaflet size. They are 6 x 2-inch in size, black and white line drawings, crude in production and with blank backs. Very little is known about them, but it has always been assumed that they were CIA products.

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One shows a rifle round covered by a "prohibited" symbol at the left and an armed soldier exploding at the right. The text is, "There is going to be an explosion. We have destroyed some weapons."

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The second shows two soldiers throwing their weapons down on a pile of rifles and pistols. The text is, "Remain where you are. Put your rifles on the ground."

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The final leaflet shows a thug holding a club over his head. He is covered with the "prohibited" symbol. The text is, "Don't seek vengeance." One of the great fears of the multinational forces was that the Haitian people would rise up and attack the former police and military that had terrorized them for so many years.

In addition, there were a number of leaflets that were produced but not disseminated. These are standard 6 x 3-inch leaflets, certainly produced by the 4th PSYOP Group, but not approved for some reason. Perhaps they were meant to be used in case the Haitians resisted. All of the leaflets are in black and white.

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The first leaflet shows two Haitians surrendering to an American soldier. A pile of weapons is at the left. There are seven lines of Creole text on the back, "This is how you conduct yourself upon arrest. Remove all the bullets that are in your gun. Tie a towel around the barrel of your gun. Place you gun upside down on your shoulder. Approach the multinational soldiers very slowly. If you do these things, all will go fine."

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The next leaflet depicts an American soldier in front of a Haitian and American flag. Text on the back is, "The American force will arrive in this zone. They have come to work with leaders of the nation to re-establish law and order for the people of Haiti."

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The third leaflet has the same vignette of an American soldier in front of the Haitian and American flag. The text on the back is, "The American Army has arrived here to re-establish democracy in your country. Remain calm. Do not jeopardize military operations. The American Army will work with all speed to finish the job."

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The fourth leaflet shows a family walking toward a sunrise. Text on the front is, "Happiness. Democracy. Prosperity. Opportunity. Education." Three lines of text on the back are, "That which leads you to prosperity starts with democracy."

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The fifth leaflet shows two clocks. One is at 10:00 p.m., one at 5:00 a.m. The text is, "If you are out during the hours 10 p.m. to 5 a.m. you can be arrested. Harm can come to you." There are five lines of text on the back, "IMPORTANT CURFEW NOTICE! By order of the commander of the multinational force in Haiti, everyone must remain indoors every day from 10 o'clock at night to 5 o'clock in the morning."

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The sixth depicts a Haitian solder throwing his rifle away at the left, shaking hands with a U.S. soldier at the right. A similar leaflet vignette was used during Desert Storm, (C54) except it was reversed because Arabs read from right to left. Text on the back is, "People who cooperate will be paid. People who cooperate will have jobs. People who cooperate will be part of Haiti's future."

We mentioned earlier that there was a buy-back program for weapons. LTC Arata discusses this campaign:

Finally, one of the major programs that the infantry battalions, along with other units, were involved in was a weapons buy-back program. The intent of this program was to remove, voluntarily, dangerous weapons and munitions from the streets of Haiti, in an effort not only to protect the local population, but also to enhance force protection for the soldiers in the multi-national force.  Payment price increased according to how dangerous the item was or what operational condition the weapon was in. The better the condition of the weapon, the more money was paid to the Haitian turning it in. Although the intent of the program was worthy, it was the opinion of many that the weapon buy-back initiative was only marginally successful. Most weapons turned in were rusted and non-operational, and most explosives appeared unstable and perhaps posed a greater danger to the soldiers and Haitians handling them at the turn-in station. 

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The final rejected leaflet consists of three panes. At the left, a looter comes through a store window. In the center, a citizen informs a U.S. soldier. At the right, the looter is arrested. Text on the back is, "HELP US HELP YOU. Support law and order. Report all criminals. Do not loot. Cooperate with the multinational force."

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Two examples of cards

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Two examples of bumper stickers

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"They can beat you if you respect one another"

In addition to those leaflets prepared for, or used in the actual military landing, dozens of signs, bumper stickers, cards, posters and even T-shirts were prepared during the consolidation phase while the new government was taking power. Many were patriotic in nature and showed the flags of the United States and Haiti in full color, or white doves of peace, clasped hands, and other signs of friendship between the American and Haitian people. There were also the usual warnings against touching unexploded ordinance. Several leaflets warned children not to touch strange objects and pictured explosions. Some leaflets pictured the flags of the multinational nations to show the Haitians that they were supported by the world. Others featured the new police force in an attempt to show them as caring professionals, instead of the brutish thugs that beat civilians in the past.

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Seed leaflet

This PSYOP product attempted to show the people of Haiti how to grow a democracy. According to Waller (see below), the message was unclear. Cultural differences can be confusing. I recall once attempting to teach the use of a 1:50,000 military map to a similar group. I showed them the contour lines and said "The map is a two-dimensional representation of a three-dimension world." Confusion. It took quite a while to explain the concept of thin brown lines representing 20 vertical meters in the real world. It simply was not within their frame of reference.

There were additional leaflets that glorified President Aristide, or showed seeds being watered that grew into democracy and prosperity. Waller specifically mentions the seed leaflet in his Armed Forces Journal article: "PSYOP succeeded in no small measure because 20,000 US soldiers were there to back up the message. ‘Cleverly worded leaflets and slick radio ads by themselves will not bring stability.’ We can only sow the seeds of democracy." admitted the 4th PSYOP Group's Commander, Colonel Jeffrey Jones. ‘The Haitians have to nurture the plant.’

That may be easier said then done. When PSYOP teams in Haiti's countryside passed out green handbills which were titled "How to Grow a Nation" and pictured a palm tree being planted with the word "Democracy" underneath, they had to go back to the villagers to explain what the concept meant."

Waller mentions the Army's efforts in greater depth,  "The Army's 4th PSYOP Group at Fort Bragg, NC, divided Haiti's population into 20 target groups to be bombarded with different types of leaflets. No detail was ignored. Radio broadcasts began with the crow of a rooster, the mascot for Aristide's party. Leaflets were printed in red and blue, the colors of Haiti's flag. Orange was avoided. It was the color of Haiti's hated military buildings."

About the preparation of the battlefield he says, " Two months before the September 19 intervention, the daily Commando Solo broadcasts began - from 4 to 8 a.m. and 6:30 to 10 p.m. Market surveys showed many Haitians slept during the day because of the stifling heat.

The CIA had its own campaign to psyche out the Strongmen. Anonymous phone calls went out to Haitian soldiers warning that the regime's days were numbered. CIA planes did manage one air drop five days before the intervention; thousands of transistor radios were parachuted in so Haiti's poor could tune into Commando Solo broadcasts."

On the subject of CIA operations in Haiti, The New York Times said on 27 September, "President Clinton has approved a secret contingency plan that authorizes unspecified political activities to neutralize the opponents of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, senior Administration officials said today. In addition, the $5 million plan authorizes the Central Intelligence Agency to spend $1 million on propaganda to help ease Father Aristide's return and to use covert means to protect American forces there from hostile groups, they added."

The following leaflets show some of the important themes and subjects prepared and disseminated by PSYOP troops during Operation Uphold Democracy.

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This leaflet shows the flags of the nations of the Multinational Force and reminds the Haitians that the world is concerned for their welfare.

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These leaflets show the new well-trained professional Haitian policeman and encourages the populace to listen to his instructions.

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This is a unexploded ordinance-warning leaflet and reminds the children of Haiti not to pick up odd items found on the ground.

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This leaflet asks the people of Haiti to turn in looters to the multinational forces.

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Some American troops in Haiti were issued a small pointee-talkie booklet. The cover shows an American soldier in front of the flags of Haiti and the United States and the text "MWEN SE OU SOLDA AMERIKAN" ("I AM AN AMERICAN SOLDIER"). The 46-page booklet introduces the troops to Haiti's history, culture and religion, has a pronunciation guide, and ends with a number of Creole phrases and expressions. Some of the more interesting ones for soldiers in peril are:

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Two pages from the pointee-talkie booklet

Picture showing an injured foot. "English: I am injured. Creole: Mwen Blese."

Picture showing a hand holding a banknote. "English: The Americans will reward you if you if you take me to them. Creole: Ameriken yo ap peye ou, si ou aide mwen alle kote yo ye."

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Ambassadors of Peace Do's and Don'ts Card

The "Ambassadors of Peace" card  was a complete lists of Do's and Don'ts issued to American troops who were in country supporting Operation Uphold Democracy.

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Another interesting handout depicts a Haitian man attempting to beg gasoline from a US Army soldier in a Humvee. The soldier is clearly telling him "no" and the text warns the Haitians not to interfere with military operations. The back of this handout is blank.

Lieutenant General Henry L. Shelton, Commanding Officer of the 18th Airborne Corps had this to say about PSYOP in Haiti:

"As Commander of Joint Task Force 180 during Operation UPHOLD DEMOCRACY, it is my belief that the integration of psychological operations early in the planning process was critical to the successful execution of the operation. Long before any American military forces stepped ashore, PSYOP helped us quickly accomplish our political and military objectives by semi-permissive operations. Without a doubt, PSYOP won the hearts and minds of Haiti's citizens, as well as setting the stage for the peaceful accomplishment of the Joint Task Force's mission.

There is no question PSYOP saved lives, on both sides, during operation UPHOLD DEMOCRACY. It proved to be the unsung, yet vitally important, factor in this operation. A true combat multiplier."

The author encourages interested readers who may have additional information or personal experiences with Haiti and Operation Uphold Democracy to write to him at sgmbert@hotmail.com

© 3 April 2005